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Cory Lum/Civil Beat/2021

About the Author

Colin Moore

Colin Moore is a political scientist and director of the Matsunaga Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution at the University of Hawaiʻi Manoa.


From sliding through their own pay raises to snuffing reform bills, lawmakers’ incumbency machine runs as quietly as possible.

In 2030, Hawai‘i lawmakers will earn $114,348 without having cast a single vote to approve their raises. They’ll take effect automatically under recommendations from the state Salary Commission.

Lawmakers had the authority to reject them. But they didn’t. A resolution to do so wasn’t even given a hearing.

That silence wasn’t incidental. It was strategic — and increasingly familiar. The pay raise is just one example of how Hawai‘i’s Legislature sidesteps political risk by avoiding public debate. When a decision could provoke discomfort or disagreement, the instinct is not to argue, but to defer — or more likely, to quietly “disappear” the offending bill.

Illustration of Hawaii capitol with sun shining in the sky
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A System Built To Avoid Scrutiny

Most lawmakers work hard and care deeply about their communities. But they also operate in a system that rewards caution over candor. In a state with one-party control and limited electoral competition, losing your seat is unlikely — short of some personal impropriety. That very stability makes it easier — and often safer — for legislators to avoid tough votes that could create problems for their party or draw criticism from vocal interest groups.

Over time, the Legislature has developed procedural habits that minimize visible conflict. Real debates on the floor of the House and Senate are rare. Lawmakers more often register symbolic concern by using a power — unique to Hawai‘i — to vote “yes with reservations,” or “WR” as it’s known at the State Capitol. And many controversial bills are never even scheduled for a hearing. They’re not voted down. They simply vanish.

What has emerged is what I’d term an incumbency machine — a system designed not to allow for ideological conflict or public responsiveness, but to protect sitting lawmakers from exposure. It favors order over openness, discipline over dissent, and process over transparency. If lawmakers don’t create problems, they get to return to their comfortable offices year after year — sometimes for decades.

The Power To Release, And To Bury

One of the most effective tools in this system is the “release” process. Nearly all bills with fiscal implications — or those that can be framed that way — are referred to the House Finance Committee or the Senate Ways and Means Committee. Before a bill can be approved by a House-Senate conference committee and move to a final vote, it must be given the green light by these powerful gatekeepers. In the final days of session, they decide which bills move forward, stall or quietly disappear.

Donovan Dela Cruz Senate Ways and Means Chair spars with House Finance Chair Kyle Yamashita, before a committee hear for the financing of Bills (David Croxford/Civil Beat/2024)
The money committee chairs for the last three sessions have been Sen. Donovan Dela Cruz, left, and Rep. Kyle Yamashita. A few days ago, Yamashita lost his post with the House Finance Committee. (David Croxford/Civil Beat/2024)

I suspect that the release process was originally designed as a temporary measure to manage the volume of proposals and maintain fiscal discipline. But over the past two decades, it has become one of the most powerful choke points in Hawai‘i’s government. In practice, it allows leadership to kill politically sensitive bills without public votes or explanation.

This session, campaign finance reforms and a ban on contractor donations all died at this stage. Not because of organized opposition, but because silence was easier — for the leadership and for most rank-and-file legislators.

You don’t have to be a master of legislative dealmaking to understand why this works: Lawmakers can express support for a bill while knowing it won’t become law. The process protects caucus unity, avoids on-the-record opposition, and keeps divisive issues off the agenda. Everyone shares credit. No one bears the cost.

Time As Constraint — And As Strategy

Even when a bill clears the major committees, time becomes a second gatekeeper at Hawaiʻi’s Legislature.

Conference committee negotiations often stretch into the final days of session. At that point, even strong proposals can collapse — not because of disagreement, but because the clock runs out.

Sometimes that’s an honest constraint. But often, “running out of time” is a tactic. Pushing decisions to the brink gives leadership cover to quietly drop controversial measures. Hawai‘i’s short legislative calendar becomes both an excuse and a tool for avoiding uncomfortable votes.

House of Representatives education committee member Chris Todd attends a hearing Tuesday, Jan. 30, 2024, in Honolulu. (Kevin Fujii/Civil Beat/2024)
As the House’s new money chair, Rep. Chris Todd is promising reform. (Kevin Fujii/Civil Beat/2024)

That’s why this week’s leadership shake-up in the House matters. Speaker Nadine Nakamura replaced Finance Committee Chair Kyle Yamashita with Rep. Chris Todd. Todd has pledged to reform the release process by limiting Finance Committee referrals to bills with actual fiscal implications. Other bills, he argues, should proceed through their subject-matter committees without delay.

If implemented, this would be one of the most significant procedural changes in years. It would restore power to more members, increase transparency and reduce leadership’s ability to bury reform by inaction. More bills would get hearings. Of course, many would be voted down — but fewer would die in silence. That’s a win for Hawai‘i’s democracy.

The Case For A Year-Round Legislature

Fixing the release process alone won’t be enough. The Legislature also needs more time to do its work.

Hawai‘i’s compressed session too often serves as a built-in excuse for deferral. Chairs triage bills. Hearings are rushed. Debate is limited. And as deadlines approach, unresolved issues are dropped — whether the delay was deliberate or not.

This year, a proposal to simply study the possibility of a year-round Legislature never made it out of the House.

That’s unfortunate. A year-round calendar wouldn’t mean continuous floor sessions. It would mean more time for committee work, public engagement and genuine negotiation.

It would create space to respond to crises as they emerge. And most importantly, it would make it harder to say, “We just didn’t have time.”

At $114,348 a year, lawmakers will need to find the time, right?


Read this next:

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About the Author

Colin Moore

Colin Moore is a political scientist and director of the Matsunaga Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution at the University of Hawaiʻi Manoa.


Latest Comments (0)

The biggest question I have is why our legislators aren't looking at articles like this and using it to create reform? There are truly many who want to keep the status quo, remain in office for decades and now collect $114K for part time work, but the time has come for change and the people demand it. In order to push change the public needs to use their vote in upcoming elections. This can't just be another wait and see if it happens issue. We are now paying these these folks a full time wage for 3 months of half baked work that makes little change in our lives. Aside from the above facts, who is really being represented down at the capitol, special interests, labor, big business? IMO what we all want is our voices to be heard and action taken in our interests. Vote with research and engagement.

wailani1961 · 1 year ago

Has our dysfunctional legislative branch in DC taken a lesson in modus operandi from our Hawaii legislature....or is it the other way around....????

Charlie_001 · 1 year ago

Very astute observations from Colin. Having worked at the legislature I've seen this quiet "let's all get along" approach. No one speaks up even legislators who have principles. It's easier to just keep your head down and try to do a good job in your limited area. We've seen nationally the outcome of quiet well-meaning people who don't use the power they have. And yes, the calendar is artificially compressed. Everyone - the public, staff, legislators - are in a sprint once session starts and the ability to meaningfully work on bills is limited. Other states with less than full-time sessions spread the work out throughout the year, so that there is time to understand and work on legislation individually and in committees. Finally, let's put limits on the number of bills that can be introduced in the senate and the governor's package.

BusRider33 · 1 year ago

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